Saturday, September 21, 2013

Elder's Meditation of the Day September 21


Elder's Meditation of the Day September 21
"everything is laid out for you. Your path is straight ahead of you. Sometimes it's invisible but it's there. You may not know where it's going, but still you have to follow that path. It's the path to the Creator. That's the only path there is."
--Leon Shenandoah, ONONDAGA
Everything on the earth has a purpose and a reason for its existence. Every human being is a warrior and every warrior has a song written in his/her heart and that song must be sung or the soul forever remains restless. This song is always about serving the Great Spirit and helping the people. This song is always sung for the people. Many times I need to learn much about the difficulties of life. I need to know this, so I must experience it. Then I can be of use to the people. Because I am experiencing difficulty does not mean I have left the path or that I have done something wrong. It means I'm doing the will of the Great Spirit during these times of testing. I need to pray constantly to keep a good attitude.
Great Spirit, this I know - You will never leave me, only my doubting makes it seem like You do. This I know - Your love is always dependable, only my doubting makes it seem like You do. Today remove the doubts from my belief system and allow me to stand straight and see You with straight eyes.

Friday, September 20, 2013

To those you have gone before....

As we walk....

On This Day: In 1932 ---9/20/1932


On This Day: In 1932 Northern Paiute spiritual leader Wovoka passed away. Wovoka, also known as Jack Wilson, was the Northern Paiute religious leader who founded the Ghost Dance movement. Wovoka means "cutter" or "wood cutter" in the Northern Paiute language. According to Wovoka's teachings, proper practice of the dance would reunite the living with the spirits of the dead and bring peace, prosperity, and unity to Native peoples throughout the region.

R.E.D. Friday

Elder's Meditation of the Day September 20


Elder's Meditation of the Day September 20
"You will only get back what you give out."
--Joe Coyhis, STOCKBRIDGE-MUNSEE
The Great Spirit created a system of balance and justice. This law says, if you treat others with respect, you will be treated with respect. If you gossip about no one, no one will gossip about you. If you are fair in all of your dealings, you can expect the same. If you share with others, others will share with you. If you judge others, others will judge you. You will always get back what you give out. The original teaching talks about being a giving person. A giving person will constantly be on the receiving end.
My Creator, help me to be a giving person today.

Thursday, September 19, 2013

You are what you wear........

Zsuzsanna Cselényi
You Are What You Wear?
The Visual Rhetoric of Identity at Indiana Powwows
Zsuzsanna Cselényi is a PhD candidate in the Folklore Department at Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana,and an alumna of the Department of English and American Studies at JATE, Szeged, Hungary. Her research focuses on Native American material and visual culture, and this article is a synthesis of her dissertation. E-mail: zcseleny@indiana.edu

Powwows, one of the most visible expressions of Indianness today, were once seen as part of a “melting pot Indian culture,” Pan-Indian in form and function,[1] and a “powerful synthesis of related traditions.”[2] Today, they are considered more of an amalgam of various sources and practices, both generalized and particular, allowing individual communities to maintain ties with their specific tribal traditions by incorporating elements and symbols that affirm specific tribal identities rather than just a generalized sense of being “American Indian.”[3]
In order to more fully understand the role powwows play in the lives of Indian people, it is necessary to have a firm grasp of not only their forms and functions but also their constituents. Providing a systematic, cross-cultural understanding of powwows in general is, however, not the focus of this article. Rather, it offers insight into an essential element of powwows: the people who dance at powwows. It is, more specifically, an analysis of powwow regalia, and of the factors that guide dancers’ aesthetic choices in putting together their outfit. More importantly, it looks at powwows outside their usual geographic and social contexts, focusing on events east of the Mississippi, and thereby on powwows that are far less studied and understood than their counterparts in Indian Country.
In what is called Indian Country, substantial American Indian populations have ensured the continued practice of powwows for over a century. In the 1950s, advances in technology and travel promoted their spread from the Great Plains to all regions with American Indian populations. During the 1960s-1970s, in the midst of a more general revival of Native cultures, a need for a more recognizable American Indian identity marker emerged. Because powwows communicate Native values to non-Natives, they became such a prominent expression of Indian identity that many tribes with no historical powwow traditions started incorporating powwows into their culture. Consequently, Indians and non-Indians alike came to associate Indianness with the wearing of beads and feathers worn at powwows.[4]
Powwows transformed into intertribal, public cultural performances that strengthened a sense of Native identity and aided in the revival of many moribund traditional practices. Competitive dancing, one of the most important aspects of the powwow for Indians, led to the development of many clothing styles, incorporating highly decorative featherwork, ribbonwork, and beadwork, which in turn prompted a revival of textile arts. For many American Indians, powwows have become a lifestyle choice, providing an outlet for artistic creativity and skill, as well as a means of livelihood: dancers and singers compete for substantial prize monies; vendors of arts, crafts, and dance regalia find a market that is being continuously renewed; and sizeable audiences drawn by the visual extravagance of the event assure the visibility of the organizing community on the cultural map of mainstream America.
In the Midwest, the success of forced assimilation and the absence of reservations or tribally held lands have rendered the Indian populations virtually invisible. In 2004, their official numbers in Indiana, the primary site of my study, were at 17,532, or about 0.28% of the total population of over 6 million.[5] Today, the unofficial number is around 30,000, which includes people who are bi- or multi-racial, as well as those who did not participate in the official census. The Miami Indians of Indiana are the only state-recognized nation, albeit one without a land-base and thus federal recognition. (Since powwows “affirm in concrete, tribally specific terms their status as Native people,”[6] they have become one of the means of trying to gain such political recognition from the federal government since the 1980s.) Other tribes that have historically occupied territories in Indiana include the Delaware, Iroquois, Kickapoo, Ottawa, Piankashaw, Potawatomi, Shawnee, Wea and Wyandot. Today, however, representatives of Native nations from all over the continent, from Navajo to Gwich’in, can be found living in Indiana, having moved here for work, family, or other obligations.
Due mainly to the above-mentioned absence of populations federally recognized as American Indian, most Indiana powwows are officially defined as “hobbyist” powwows, with the majority of dancers being non-Indian. Nonetheless, a great majority of those dancers consider themselves Indian, even if to the “untrained” eye they do not seem to conform to what the general public expects an Indian to look like. The “trained” eye, however, one that knows what to look for in terms of regalia and movement, can easily discern Indian dancers from non-Indian dancers. A long history of intermarrying with Euro-Americans resulted in a significant loss of “Indianness” both in terms of coloring and public expressions of that identity.
Coming to Indiana powwows after having experienced powwows in Oklahoma, I found an interesting assortment of dancers. The findings of six years of attendance as a spectator and three years of focused fieldwork as an ethnographer at these Indiana powwows can be distilled into five major types of dancers. The terms for these categories were generated from conversations with dancers, organizers, vendors, craftspeople and spectators, and are thus emic to the community of powwow-goers in Indiana.[7]
Based on their clothing and dance style, then, Indiana powwow dancers fall into the following categories:
·         status or card-carrying Indians: members of federally or state recognized tribes, locals or visiting/transplanted from their home states;
·         non-status Indians: mixed-race, adopted, or relocated Indians raised with little or no knowledge of their heritage, now returning to their roots through powwow connections;
·         hobbyists: mostly non-Indian enthusiasts, committed to historically accurate and authentic reproductions of Indian culture - material and visual;
·         historical reenactors: Indian or non-Indian enthusiasts, committed to historically accurate representations of Indian life in specific time periods before the present;
·         Indian Hearts and wannabes: persons of undocumented Indian heritage, seeking spiritual rather than material associations, such as the so-called New Agers.

My interest in studying these Indiana dances was initially prompted mainly by the diversity of clothing seen at these events and their apparent departure from Western powwow regalia. Upon closer study of the dance regalia, I found that they are consciously used by many of the dancers as a vehicle for expressing their identities within the powwow circle. And while this may be true for powwow dancers in Indian Country as well, here in the Midwest it is more expressly so.
The following chart offers an overview of the continuum of the above listed identity categories and their basic signifiers.
Identity
Residence
Understanding
of traditions
Integration
of values
Regalia
status Indian
reservation/community-based
(by choice)
full/substantial
full/substantial
fully/substantially
unified, cohesive
non-status Indian
urban/suburban/rural
(forced relocation)
limited
substantial/limited
somewhat unified, amalgamated
hobbyist/reenactor
urban/suburban/rural
(by choice)
substantial/specialized
moderate/selective
fully unified, anachronistic
wannabe
urban/suburban/rural
(by choice)
limited/selective
selective/none
non-unified, idealistic

This second chart offers a comparison of the categories of dancers that comprise mostly non-Indian dancers.

Hobbyist/Reenactor
Wannabe
may or may not have Indian blood
no documented Indian blood
life-long commitment
no specific knowledge, learning from others, only at powwows
intense interest in material culture
lack of knowledge of material traditions: emphasis on spirituality
access/commitment to best resources (materials, teachers, craftsmanship): meticulous research
lack of access/commitment to resources: inaccurate representations, misinterpretations
rigid rules about historical/geographical accuracy/authenticity: old-fashioned, archaic, obsolete look
no commitment to specific traditions: mishmash of styles

 
A brief definition of a powwow and of the categories into which powwow dancers are generally organized will introduce the basic vocabulary of the powwow regalia canon, which is based on Western Oklahoma standards, the cradle of powwow culture.
Indian people gathered at various times of the year to renew family, clan and tribal ties, as well as to forge social and political alliances, celebrate victories, and to practice religious and spiritual ceremonies. These gatherings involved music and dance, gambling games, athletic competition, and ceremonies. Dances were performed for various occasions and purposes: some were used to communicate with the powers of the universe, others to honor the spirits of powerful beings, and still others were owned by specific societies and performed only by members of those societies, such as the Omaha military society’s Grass dance.
During the reservation period of the 19th century, however, tribal customs and practices were outlawed by the United States government, along with the use of Native languages. Powwows emerged in the 1870s in Oklahoma as a new way of practicing these outlawed ritual customs in the guise of a social festival, which involved family reunions, courtship, singing, dancing, games, food and crafts. Around the turn of the 20th century, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Shows employed many Native American men, prompting significant changes in the dance styles and dance outfits, making the war dances they usually performed fancier, more visually enticing. The modern powwow evolved from a combination of such practices, gaining in popularity since the 1940s, when they were revived as occasions to honor and welcome back returning war veterans. They evolved into a venue for Indians to not only socialize, but also to remember the old ways and to preserve their cultural heritage. They serve as places to reinforce the values of working together as a family and bonding as a community, as well as to expose young people to the language and teachings of their elders. Most importantly, they provide a viable means of expression of the survival of Native cultures, a common meeting ground for Indians of all tribal affiliations, as well as interaction between Indians and non-Indians.
Today the two most common types of powwows are the traditional powwow and the competition powwow. Traditional powwows involve a mixture of social, religious, and political activities that directly affect the organizing community, such as adoptions, namings, honorings, or “first” dances. The competition powwow, on the other hand, is more theater than ceremony, more intertribal and public than tribally specific and locally meaningful. It allows dancers to make a semi-professional living of competing for prize monies. But only registered, card-carrying Indians can compete for these monies.
It is nonetheless the competition powwow that gave powwows the four major categories of dance style repertoire: men’s and women’s Northern and Southern Traditional, Grass, Jingle Dress, and Fancy.[8]
These dances have a strong personal and spiritual dimension, with many different interpretations for each dance style, depending on tribal and family background. Similarly, dance regalia are also very personal and artistic expressions of the dancer’s life, feelings, interests, and spiritual quest. An outfit evolves and changes as the dancer evolves and changes in life. Changes are made each season depending on the fashion of the time or a personal change in taste, and one’s dance outfit is never “finished.” When a dancer wants to get a new outfit, he or she may gift the old outfit to a younger dancer who is just starting out in the powwow circuit. Various regalia elements are also given as gifts by elders or treasured people in the dancer’s life, and are to be worn with pride and responsibility.
What characterizes traditional Indian dance clothes is unity of composition: all elements have cohesion, make sense, and complement each other to communicate something specific about the dancer (e.g., tribal, clan, or family affiliation). The degree of this unity or cohesion is often seen as an indicator of the dancer’s knowledge of powwow rules and practices.
Each regalia style also developed as a direct reflection of the dance it corresponds to and has specific markers that identify it. The men’s traditional dances, for example, are variations on the war dance, the oldest form of dance in Native culture, in which warriors would “dance out” their hunting or war exploits. Hence you will see a lot of crouching and movements imitating the stalking of animals or battling of enemies. The dancers are often veterans and carry items that symbolize their status as warriors—shields, weapons, honor staffs and medicine wheels.
Various tribal influences and different traditional outfits have been blended together into a more general style, influenced mostly by Plains traditions. Because the dance outfit is a very personal expression of creativity and artistry, you will never see two outfits that are exactly alike.
Several elements in the men’s Northern Traditional or War Dance outfit reflect items worn by early warriors: a bone breastplate worn for protection against arrows, a neck choker for protection against knives, ankle bells or jingling hooves, and a hide shield decorated with tribal symbols. The most distinguishing element, however, is the circular or U-shaped bustle of eagle feather spikes tied at the waist. Other elements generally worn by a northern traditional dancer include a feather war bonnet, a coyote hide headdress, or a porcupine roach,[9] beaded moccasins and leggings, a breechcloth, and various beaded accessories, such as belt, armbands, cuffs, and necklaces, as well as a flat eagle feather fan. Face paint is often employed in different styles derived from the designs of the dancer’s family or nation. 
The men’s Southern Traditional or Straight Dance comes from Oklahoma tribes. It is an understated style in which the dancer keeps a steady, flowing pace that is not interrupted with fancy moves or extra footwork. Many of the articles a Straight dancer wears are unique to his style and cannot be seen anywhere else. The regalia usually consist of a roach headdress or otter-skin turban, a headband of white handkerchief rolled up and knotted on the forehead, an otter-tail or broadcloth trailer decorated with beadwork, ribbonwork, or silver or brass conchos, a ribbon shirt, a vest, breechcloth and leggings, beaded moccasins, fingerwoven sashes, and bandoliers worn from each shoulder, crossing the chest. The dancer always carries a fan (loose, flat or wing), and often a dance staff that is shorter and thinner than in other dance styles.
The Grass dancer wears a yoke and breechcloth fringed with rows of brightly colored or white yarn, which replaces the long prairie grass tucked into a belt in the old Omaha dance. He also wears a roach headdress with two upright eagle feathers in sockets that allow them to spin, rock and twirl with each movement. The dance is a very fluid and bendable style, in which the dancer tries to move his fringes in as many places as possible at once. Movements consist of many sways, dips and sliding steps, as if flattening the tall grass to make a new camp site, one of the legendary purposes of the dance. It is also said to reflect the need for balance in life: each movement danced on one side must be repeated on the other. The dancer keeps his head moving side to side or up and down with the beat of the drum, nodding quickly several times to each beat, which keeps the roach crest feathers spinning, and must finish with both feet on the ground on the final beat.

The Fancy Dance is the most contest-oriented of the powwow dances, and thus also the most indicative of the latest fashion trends in the powwow world, both in motion and in regalia. It allows the dancer to demonstrate his athletic ability, stamina and originality. The freestyle footwork and flashy clothes are meant to make him stand out in a crowd. The dance features jumps, twirls, splits and back flips, and the dancer must follow the changing beat of the drum and stop when the music does, with both feet on the ground. The signifying elements of the outfit are the two bustles of brightly colored feathers, ribbons, fluffs and horsehair, one on the waist and one at the back of the neck, and sometimes smaller bustles on each arm. The colors and patterns of the bustles are repeated on beaded arm- and headbands, harnesses, moccasins, yoke and breechcloth, side tabs, and other accessories. A roach headdress trimmed with colored horsehair features two upright eagle feathers decorated with plumes and reflective tape, in a rocker spreader designed to keep them either spinning or rocking. Angora anklets and sleigh or hawk bells just below the knee complete the outfit, and a dance stick decorated with ribbons or feathers.
 
Women’s traditional dances also require enormous stamina, concentration and grace. The movements are very focused. The feet move in time with the drum and never completely lift off the ground. The dancer has to stay in perfect rhythm with the drum, stepping lightly, slightly bobbing up and down, and allowing the fringes of the dress and shawl to sway like the prairie grass.
Northern Traditional dancers may wear one of two styles of regalia: buckskin or cloth. A well-dressed Buckskin dancer usually dresses from the feet up: she begins with beaded knee moccasins of white buckskin tied just below the knee, followed by a long white buckskin skirt with a cotton tank attached at the waist, and a fully beaded buckskin yoke with long strips hanging down below the knees. Sometimes a breastplate will be worn over the dress. A choker or a neckerchief is worn around the neck. Hair can be worn loose or braided, with a single feather attached in the back with beaded clips or barrettes. Dancers carry a fringed shawl folded over one arm and an eagle feather fan, as well as a beaded awl and knife case on the belt. The beautiful beadwork is usually made in colors and patterns reflecting tribal affiliations.
The other style is a cloth (velvet or wool) dress decorated with elk teeth, cowrie shells, or dentalium shells, complete with leggings and moccasins, fan and shawl, and many other accessories of the Buckskin dancer.
The Southern Traditional Dance comes from Oklahoma tribes, and incorporatesSoutheastern dance styles. It is slow and graceful, the dancer swaying side to side, her feet barely touching the ground, bending forward from the waist at specific beats. The outfit reflects the constant intertwining of white and Native cultures as the settlers crossed the Plains. One type of the Southern Traditional outfit is the Southeastern-style long tiered dress, called the Cherokee tear dress, which is often complemented by a fringed shawl matching the dress in its patterns.
The Southern Plains style outfit features a tee-dress over a full slip, made of any fabric suitable to one’s region or climate. The apron worn above the dress wraps around the waist and overlaps to the left. A concho belt[10]keeps it in place. Over the shoulders, a breastplate is secured by ribbons, and around the neck a neckerchief is usually worn. Knee-high boot moccasins, beaded or plain, complete the look.
A third type is the Woodlands/Prairie style outfit characterized by a wool wrap skirt with elaborate ribbonwork or beading, center-seam moccasins without leggings, and a long decorated fabric drop attached at the back of the neck. Most dancers carry a fringed shawl on their left arm, a purse, and a fan.
The Jingle Dress Dance came to the powwow scene from the Great Lakes region in the 1920s. It is considered to be a medicine dance, bringing healing through the sound that is created by employing very elaborate footwork to make hundreds of tin cone jingles move in sync with the drum. The dance steps are controlled, often in a zigzag pattern reflecting the journey of life. Besides this traditional jingle step, the dancer can also move in a sliding side step. The feet often do parallel movements. She raises her fan on the honor beats of the drum, and must stop with both feet on the ground on the final beat. The dress itself is a cotton, velvet or leather-base dress decorated with 400-700 cone-shaped rolled snuff can lids, which hit each other at every move and create a pleasing “jingle.” The jingles are attached by ribbon or fabric in rows or a pattern designed by the dancer. The outfit is completed by beaded moccasins and leggings, a beaded or concho belt, a beaded purse, and sometimes a vest or scarf.
The Fancy Shawl dance is the women’s category of modern competition style, characterized by vivid colors and lots of glitz, fast and acrobatic freestyle footwork, and a tremendous amount of twirling, spinning, and high kicks. It is also called the Butterfly dance, because it is said to represent the transition of a cocoon into a butterfly. The dancer wears beaded ankle moccasins with matching leggings, a calf-length flared skirt connected to a tank top or a separate blouse, and a beaded or sequined cape or vest. A yoke around the neck may be beaded, appliquéd or painted. Other variables include a choker or neckerchief and a leather or cloth belt. The most distinguishing element of this style is the shawl. It should span the dancer’s arms from fingertip to fingertip, and should have fringes or ribbons hand-tied every quarter of an inch at the seam. The shawl is worn across the shoulders and held slightly out at the elbows.
As mentioned before, in Indiana, where the Native population is minimal, fairly spread out, and constantly fluctuating, powwows are mainly hobbyist events with minimal Indian participation. These types of powwows are really a subculture apart from the Indian powwow world. To most non-Indian participants, powwowing is the ultimate way of being Indian, whereas to Indians it is just one of many. Generally speaking, Indiana Indians are not nearly as anchored in their identity as most Indians in Oklahoma, so they appeal to images and styles that are immediately apparent for their Indianness and commonly understood and appreciated as Indian by both Indians and non-Indians. That is why you see so many Plains-style traditional dancers at these powwows: it is the ultimate symbol of the Indian warrior, and they might feel a sort of connection with the pan-Indian values it represents. However, no one ever goes to a powwow to confirm their identity as a pan-Indian. They might wear clothing that signals a generalized sense of Indianness to spectators, but in almost every case it is attached to a tribally specific sense of identity. The dancers’ perceptions of powwow participation rules, the visual expressions of those rules, and the meanings they ascribe to powwow performances indicate this constructed image of themselves. Dress in general is used in many ways to communicate “who” people imagine themselves to be, but at Indiana powwows, aesthetic choices in dance clothes play a key part in establishing the credibility of their powwow identity.[11]
Let us now turn our attention to the specific characteristics of Indiana powwow dancers as they fit into the five categories introduced at the beginning of this article. Status Indians who attend Indiana powwows are usually locals who live in the area, or have traveled from neighboring states, often upon invitation by family or friends or the organizing committee. They come to the powwow to socialize, exhibit their skills of dancing, singing, or regalia making, or just listen to the drums. Their clothes often reflect a deep knowledge of the underlying contexts and meanings behind each element, demonstrated by a cohesive and unified composition (i.e., matching elements in style, color, and/or regional significance), identifiable cultural references (i.e., colors, patterns, or cuts representative of specific tribes), contemporary and fashion-conscious style (i.e., following the latest trends in powwow regalia), and excellent craftsmanship. 
The second category comprises people who have Indian blood but have had little or no traditional upbringing because of adoption, relocation to urban areas, inter-racial marriages, or other factors.[12] Most of them consider themselves Indian, but do not qualify for tribal membership (i.e., not enough blood quantum, or no documentation for a lineal descent from a tribal member) and are thus non-status Indians. Some status Indians refer to them with the derogatory terms “apples” (i.e., red on the outside, white on the inside) or “born-again Indians.” They attend powwows because it is usually their only connection to Indian culture, and especially because it is the place where they feel a sense of belonging, a sense of community with others who are in the same predicament. They have a somewhat limited contextual knowledge about what they are wearing and what it all means because they are still in the process of re-discovering and learning about their heritage. They really want to fit in, so their outfits show considerable effort but are often “not quite right,” usually because of some mismatched elements. 
The third type of dancers are the hobbyists, who have acquired a special knowledge of Indian traditions and practices through many years of involvement, often starting in the Boy Scouts, and progressing through several stages of improvement. Most hobbyists are master craftsmen, creating elaborate outfits with materials and techniques that are authentically Indian. The majority of them are good dancers in fine regalia, but you will also see clothes that are not very well made—on people who are still in the lower stages of the learning process. More importantly, though, hobbyists don’t claim to be Indian—they only “play Indian”[13] for the enjoyment of the craftsmanship that goes along with being a dancer; or vice versa, they dance to showcase their craftsmanship. Their commitment to proper representation through their clothes usually results in outfits that are usually well made, geographically and historically accurate, but also often quite anachronistic in terms of modern powwow standards, since “old-time” (pre-1930) outfits are generally preferred over “modern” (post-1930) outfits by most hobbyists. In fact, one of the ways to tell hobbyists from Indians is a “too perfect,” extravagantly expensive but often outdated outfit.[14]  
The fourth category belongs to historical reenactors, including buckskinners, mountain men, muzzleloaders, and trekkers, all of whom reenact different aspects of the past. Most reenactors are non-Indians, but there are also many Indians who enjoy reenacting. To them, reenacting is re-living history, while a powwow is “just cutting loose,”[15] but also a spiritual adventure. Most reenactors only attend reenactment events (or rendezvous), but some do powwow. Many of them are more hardcore than hobbyists—they will shave their head and tattoo and pierce themselves according to the fashions of the time period they represent. Because they portray a specific persona from a specific geographic location in a specific moment in time, they can only wear clothes and use materials that would have been realistically available to their persona in terms of time, location, and social status. Their clothes tend to be replicas of outfits found in history books and museums, although not necessarily of the same quality workmanship. Their main concern is with representing history authentically. They believe that when they put on their historic garb and present themselves to their peers and the public, they have to be telling the visual truth. They are attracted to this hobby out of a love for history and a fascination with the lives of those before us, and feel that they owe those very same people the minimum respect of not lying about them, visually or verbally.[16]
Finally, in the last fifteen years a fifth type of constituency emerged at these powwows that separates itself from Indians, hobbyists and reenactors through its clothing and dancing style as well as its interactions with other dancers. It comprises a wide spectrum of people, and many different terms exist to refer to them, from the benevolent “Indian Heart” (i.e., the reverse of an “apple”) to the offensive “truckstop wannabe.” (Because of their offensive nature, none of these terms are used in face-to-face interaction with members of this category, and of course no one ever identifies as a “wannabe.”) Some of them claim to have Indian blood but have no documented basis for that claim, no traditional Indian knowledge, and not much interest in a deeper understanding of their assumed identity. Others are just drawn to the “exotic” nature of an Indian dance, which they have idealized as an integral part of a nature religion. Dancing and Indian crafts are not necessarily part of their everyday experience, and they tend to relate to them strictly from the spiritual perspective. When they dance, they pay little or no attention to other dancers in the arena, or to what type of dance is taking place, but rather dance to their own rhythm, in a free-form, improvised, emoting style. Or they try too hard to replicate Indian dances, resulting in exaggerated movements and expressions that come off as disrespectful, because it is hard for a spectator to tell imitation from mocking. Nonetheless, they feel an entitlement to participation based on either incorrectly invoked political rights,[17] or spiritual beliefs (such as “I was an Indian in a past life”). Most are tolerated at powwows as long as they are willing to follow powwow protocol. However, sometimes tensions are caused by their arrogance and self-absorption that keeps them from realizing that their “mimicking” is preposterous and often insulting to Indians. Looking for their roots, most have good intentions, but by picking and choosing components of “nativeness” according to their own needs, they pose a threat of misuse, misinterpretation, and adulteration of Indian traditions.[18] For this constituency, clothes are the only marker of their identity, and they try to create their Indian identity through their dance clothes, using them to legitimize their Indianness. Because they are not anchored in any specific Native culture or tradition, and most of them are in the very beginning stages of their quest for their (real or imagined) Native heritage, their outfits reflect what some Indians call the “Heinz 57” approach: take anything that looks Indian, mix it with anything that comes from nature and can be instilled with spiritual meanings, and voilá, an “Oh My Gosh” outfit![19]
Nonetheless, there are degrees of effort even within this category. Some people are sincere about their quest and dancing, and are only limited by their access to quality resources needed to create a good outfit. But they will at least make their outfits out of leather, even if not necessarily of the best quality buckskin. Numerous people, however, show up at powwows in clothes that are not only incorrectly interpreted in style, but also poorly made and, above all, made of imitation materials like polyester. It is not too hard to see the resemblance between their outfits and those of the dolls found at many truckstops along U.S. highways (thus the name “truckstop wannabe”), most of which are stereotypical, highly romanticized creations of fantasy rather than reality.[20]
 

CONCLUSION
Most of the categories listed in this article are very fluid. An "Indian heart" can in time learn enough to become a hobbyist or a reenactor. A reenactor can find his or her Indian roots through genealogical research, establish legitimate connections with an Indian community, and become a non-status Indian. Even dance clothes themselves are not an unambiguous indicator of identity, since outfits are in a constant flux, in a never-ending process of improvement. But knowing about the categories and their characteristics may help one understand the powwow as a means of public education as well as an arena for individual expressions of identity, creativity, and cultural pride. More importantly, in order to avoid misinformation of the general public, of spectators who might be seeing Indian culture for the first and last time at a powwow, it is every dancer’s responsibility to represent that culture correctly.
Non-Indian presence at powwows is a very touchy issue for many, and there is perceptible prejudice against non-Indian dancers, rooted in the long-standing practice of appropriation of Native practices for individual gain. The main concern is that those who are only getting involved in powwows because of a fashion trend or because they hope to gain some kind of an image or status through it will not spend enough time and energy to learn about the real meanings behind powwow dancing. As in most cases, though, there are two sides to be considered. On the one hand, there is the Native peoples’ concern about misrepresentation of their culture and values by people who do not have the right education about or understanding of those values. When you put on Indian clothes and enter the dance arena, you are representing a Native cultural practice, and undiscerning spectators could easily assume that what they are seeing is the right (or only) way to be Indian.
On the other hand, those who are genuinely interested and invested in powwowing do it because they see a real value in preserving these traditions and practices for future generations, and they should be accepted and encouraged to learn from people who can teach them things correctly and without bias. Whether you are dark or light, full-blooded or multi-racial, it is the values according to which you live your everyday life and which you share with others around you that give you a sense of belonging. And what better place to share those values than the symbolic circle of the powwow arena where young and old, Indian and non-Indian alike can come together in joyful celebration of traditions that have sustained generations of Native people through centuries of hardship. “Indian people are like a patchwork quilt—warm and colorful,” said a dancer at the 2004 Miami powwow. “Sharing that warmth with people around you can only make the rest of the world warmer, too.”
 
Notes
 

[1] James Howard, “Pan-Indian Culture in Oklahoma,” Scientific Monthly 81 (November 1955): 215.
[2] Barre Toelken, “Ethnic Selection and Intensification in the Native American Powwow,” in Creative Ethnicity: Symbols and Strategies of Contemporary Ethnic Life, ed. Stephen Stern and John Cicala, (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1991), 140.
[3] Clyde Ellis, Luke Eric Lassiter, and Gary H. Dunham, eds., Powwow (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), viii-ix.
[4] For other reference works on powwows, see Tara Browner, Heartbeat of the People: Music and Dance of the Northern Powwow (University of Illinois Press, 2002); and chapter 3 in Barre Toelken, The Anguish of Snails: Native American Folklore in the West (Utah State University Press, 2003).
[5] http://www.stats.indiana.edu/profiles/pr18000.html, accessed March 2, 2006.
[6] Ellis, et al., Powwow, xii.
[7] These terms are not universal but rather a synthesis of what powwow participants often use to “label” other participants. N.B.: All photos in this article are the author's copyright.
[8] For more on powwow dance categories, see the video Into the Circle: An Introduction to Native American Powwows (Full Circle Communications, 1992), and many others at http://www.fullcir.com/index.htm.
[9] A headgear that replicates a traditional hairstyle in which the head was shaved except for a crest in the middle. The roach is a halo of deer hair and porcupine guard hairs, often dyed red, and the hairs separated by a “roach spreader.” It is fastened to a scalplock or tied under the chin.
[10] A leather belt to which large silver medallions are attached.
[11] Clyde Ellis, personal interview, September 4, 2004.
[12] Most of them consider themselves Indian, and the terms “apple” (i.e., red on the outside, white on the inside) or “born-again Indian” are external labels (used mostly by “card-carrying Indians”) that are generally considered offensive.
[13] See Philip Deloria’s Playing Indian (Yale University Press, 1998).
[14] For more on hobbyism, see William Powers, “The Indian Hobbyist Movement in North America,” inHandbook of North American Indians, vol. 4, History of Indian-White Relations, ed. William C. Sturtevant (Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988), 557-561.
[15] Monty Martin, personal interview, September 3, 2005.
[16] For more on the rules of reenacting, see Alan Gutchess, “A Modest Proposal: Some Thoughts on the Authenticity,” at http://home.att.net/~crowdogs/TheEasternFrontier/proposal.htm, accessed on March 8, 2006.
[17] Their logic: according to the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, they have the freedom to participate; such claims are based on a lack of understanding of important tribal sovereignty issues.
[18] See Lisa Aldred, “Dancing with Indians and Wolves: New Agers Tripping through Powwows,” in Ellis, et al., Powwow (University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 258-74; and Bruce H. Ziff and P.V. Rao, eds.,Borrowed Power: Essays on Cultural Appropriation (Rutgers University Press, 1997).
[19] Wesley Thomas, personal interview, April 15, 2004.
[20] For more on wannabes, see Rayna Green, “The Tribe Called Wannabee: Playing Indian in America and Europe,” Folklore 99:1 (November 1987): 30-55, and Lisa Aldred, “Dancing with Indians and Wolves: New Agers Tripping through Powwows,” in Ellis, et al., Powwow (University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 258-74. For the history of dressing and playing Indian, see Philip Deloria, Playing Indian (Yale University Press, 1998), and Robert Berkhofer, The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (Vintage Books, 1978).


It's all Indian Land

Waya Unega

Hemp

Elder's Meditation of the Day September 19


Elder's Meditation of the Day September 19
"I am building myself. There are many roots. I plant, I pick, I prune. I consume."
--Wendy Rose, HOPI/MIWOK
The most sacred thing on this Mother Earth is life. My life on this earth is governed by God's laws, principles, and spiritual values. These things are my roots. Let me see Your gifts of growing and becoming a spiritual warrior. Make my strength based on values - spiritual values; on principles and laws, the laws of God that really run the universe. We need to realize the seeds we plant in the spring will be what shows up in our summer season of growth and will be the fruits that we will harvest in our fall season. We really have a lot to do with what shows up in our lives.
Great Spirit, let my seed that I plant today be based on values that will make You pleased with my selection.

Wednesday, September 18, 2013

HYDROGEN PEROXIDE MAGIC!



HYDROGEN PEROXIDE MAGIC!

Ever since I started using Hydrogen Peroxide to get rid of armpit stains, to clean cookie sheets, as a miracle cleaner in my kitchen and bathroom, and to make my own “oxi clean”…I ALWAYS have at least one bottle of the stuff under my kitchen sink, under my bathroom sink, AND in the laundry room. This stuff is amazingly versatile!

But it wasn’t until recently, after doing some IN DEPTH research on the subject, that I came to realize what a “miracle substance” hydrogen peroxide really is! It’s safe, it’s readily available, it’s cheap, and best of all, it WORKS! It works for a LOT of stuff!

Hydrogen peroxide should really be called oxygen water, since it is basically the same chemical make up as water but with an extra oxygen atom (H2O2). Because of this it breaks down quickly and harmlessly into oxygen and water.

Some other interesting facts about hydrogen peroxide:

It is found in all living material.
Your white blood cells naturally produce hydrogen peroxide (H2O2) to fight bacteria and infections.
Fruit and vegetables naturally produce hydrogen peroxide. This is one of the reasons why it is so healthy to eat fresh fruit and vegetables.
It is found in massive dosages in the mother’s first milk, called colostrum, and is transferred to the baby to boost their immune system.
It is found in rain water because some of the H20 in the atmosphere receives an additional oxygen atom from the ozone (O3) and this H2O2 makes plants grow faster.
Next to Apple Cider Vinegar, hydrogen peroxide ranks up there as one of the best household remedies.

Besides the obvious (cleansing wounds), did you know that it is probably the best remedy to dissolve ear wax? Brighten dingy floors? Add natural highlights to your hair? Improve your plants root systems? The list goes on and on!

There are SO many uses for this stuff that I’ve started replacing the cap on the hydrogen peroxide bottle with a sprayer because it’s easier and faster to use that way.

I have compiled a rather impressive list of uses for 3% hydrogen peroxide that I hope will have you as thrilled and bewildered as I was!

Wash vegetables and fruits with hydrogen peroxide to remove dirt and pesticides. Add 1/4 cup of H2O2 to a sink of cold water. After washing, rinse thoroughly with cool water.

In the dishwasher, add 2 oz. to your regular detergent for a sanitizing boost. Also, beef up your regular dish soap by adding roughly 2 ounces of 3% H2O2 to the bottle.

Use hydrogen peroxide as a mouthwash to freshen breath. It kills the bacteria that causes halitosis. Use a 50/50 mixture of hydrogen peroxide and water.

Use baking soda and hydrogen peroxide to make a paste for brushing teeth. Helps with early stages of gingivitis as it kills bacteria. Mixed with salt and baking soda, hydrogen peroxide works as a whitening toothpaste.

Soak your toothbrush in hydrogen peroxide between uses to keep it clean and prevent the transfer of germs. This is particularly helpful when you or someone in your family has a cold or the flu.

Clean your cutting board and countertop. Let everything bubble for a few minutes, then scrub and rinse clean. (I’ve been using it for this a LOT lately!)

Wipe out your refrigerator and dishwasher. Because it’s non-toxic, it’s great for cleaning places that store food and dishes.

Clean your sponges. Soak them for 10 minutes in a 50/50 mixture of hydrogen peroxide and warm water in a shallow dish. Rinse the sponges thoroughly afterward.

Remove baked-on crud from pots and pans. Combine hydrogen peroxide with enough baking soda to make a paste, then rub onto the dirty pan and let it sit for a while. Come back later with a scrubby sponge and some warm water, and the baked-on stains will lift right off.

Whiten bathtub grout. First dry the tub thoroughly, then spray it liberally with hydrogen peroxide. Let it sit — it may bubble slightly — for a little while, then come back and scrub the grout with an old toothbrush. You may have to repeat the process a few times.

Clean the toilet bowl. Pour half a cup of hydrogen peroxide into the toilet bowl, let stand for 20 minutes, then scrub clean.

Remove stains from clothing, curtains, and tablecloths. Hydrogen peroxide can be used as a pre-treater for stains — just soak the stain for a little while in 3% hydrogen peroxide before tossing into the laundry. You can also add a cup of peroxide to a regular load of whites to boost brightness. It’s a green alternative to bleach, and works just as well.

Brighten dingy floors. Combine half a cup of hydrogen peroxide with one gallon of hot water, then go to town on your flooring. Because it’s so mild, it’s safe for any floor type, and there’s no need to rinse.

Clean kids’ toys and play areas. Hydrogen peroxide is a safe cleaner to use around kids, or anyone with respiratory problems, because it’s not a lung irritant. Spray toys, toy boxes, doorknobs, and anything else your kids touch on a regular basis.

Help out your plants. To ward off fungus, add a little hydrogen peroxide to your spray bottle the next time you’re spritzing plants.

Add natural highlights to your hair. Dilute the hydrogen peroxide so the solution is 50% peroxide and 50% water. Spray the solution on wet hair to create subtle, natural highlights.

According to alternative therapy practitioners, adding half a bottle of hydrogen peroxide to a warm bath can help detoxify the body. Some are skeptical of this claim, but a bath is always a nice way to relax and the addition of hydrogen peroxide will leave you – and the tub – squeaky clean!

Spray a solution of 1/2 cup water and 1 tablespoon of hydrogen peroxide on leftover salad, drain, cover and refrigerate. This will prevent wilting and better preserve your salad.

Sanitize your kids’ lunch boxes/bags.

Dab hydrogen peroxide on pimples or acne to help clear skin.

Hydrogen peroxide helps to sprout seeds for new plantings. Use a 3% hydrogen peroxide solution once a day and spritz the seed every time you re-moisten. You can also use a mixture of 1 part hydrogen peroxide to 32 parts water to improve your plants’ root system.

Remove yellowing from lace curtains or tablecloths. Fill a sink with cold water and a 2 cups of 3% hydrogen peroxide. Soak for at least an hour, rinse in cold water and air dry.

Use it to remove ear wax. Use a solution of 3% with olive or almond oil. Add a couple drops of oil first then H2O2. After a few minutes, tilt head to remove solution and wax.

Helps with foot fungus. Spray a 50/50 mixture of hydrogen peroxide and water on them (especially the toes) every night and let dry. Or try soaking your feet in a peroxide solution to help soften calluses and corns, and disinfect minor cuts.

Spray down the shower with hydrogen peroxide to kill bacteria and viruses.

Use 1 pint of 3% hydrogen peroxide to a gallon of water to clean humidifiers and steamers.

Wash shower curtains with hydrogen peroxide to remove mildew and soap scum. Place curtains in machine with a bath towel and your regular detergent. Add 1 cup full strength 3% hydrogen peroxide to the rinse cycle.

Use for towels that have become musty smelling. 1/2 cup Peroxide and 1/2 cup vinegar let stand for 15 minutes wash as normal. Gets rid of the smell.

Use hydrogen peroxide to control fungi present in aquariums. Don’t worry, it won’t hurt your fish. Use sparingly for this purpose.

De-skunking solution. Combine 1 quart 3% H2O2, 1/4 cup baking soda, 1 teaspoon Dawn dish detergent, 2 quarts warm water.

Elder's Meditation of the Day September 18


Elder's Meditation of the Day September 18
"I walk in and out of many worlds."
--Joy Harjo, CREEK/CHEROKEE
In my mind are many dwellings. Each of the dwellings we create ourselves - the house of anger, the house of despair, the house of self pity, the house of indifference, the house of negative, the house of positive, the house of hope, the house of joy, the house of peace, the house of enthusiasm, the house of cooperation, the house of giving. Each of these houses we visit each day. We can stay in any house for as long as we want. We can leave these mental houses any time we wish. We create the dwelling, we stay in the dwelling, we leave the dwelling whenever we wish. We can create new rooms, new houses. Whenever we enter these dwellings, this becomes our world until we leave for another. What world will we live in today?
Creator, no one can determine which dwelling I choose to enter. No one has the power to do so, only me. Let me choose wisely today.

Tuesday, September 17, 2013

'How Could Anyone Have So Much Hate?' New Kind of Range War in So. Dakota


'How Could Anyone Have So Much Hate?' New Kind of Range War in So. Dakota

September 16, 2013
“How could anyone have so much hate?” Lori Abdo-Smith says as she shakes her head in dismay.
Abdo-Smith, Yankton Sioux Tribe, was describing the shootings of five of her horses by a non-Native neighbor, Raymond Johanneson. Between sobs, she recalls what happened that July day when four of her beloved horses—or sunkan wakan(holy dogs) in the Dakota language—were killed because they had escaped from their pen and wandered onto a neighbor’s land.
Four of the horses died; one survived but has a bullet lodged in its abdomen. “Some of them weren’t even on his land when he shot them!” Abdo-Smith says through tears. The body of one horse was found in the ditch less than 200 yards from her home, and according to a neighbor who helped carry away the animal’s corpse said there were tire tracks leading up to the body, which strongly suggests the animal was chased and killed deliberately.
In this rugged landscape, farmers and neighbors generally look out for each other and their animals. “We wouldn’t even think of shooting someone’s livestock,” says Kathy Jones, a neighbor and farmer who is of Cherokee descent who adds that it’s not uncommon for animals to wander onto others lands. She says there’s an unspoken agreement among farmers to help return escaped livestock back to its rightful home. “Even horses that have good hay will break out to eat the ‘green stuff,’ or fresh grass,” she says. “Besides, those horses were like pets to Lori and Charlie. It was like shooting someone’s dogs.”
A Message Written in Blood?
The horse is a fundamental element in Dakota culture and spirituality—sunkan wakanplays a central role in religious practices and is described as a miracle coming from a sacred place. Faith Spotted Eagle, an advocate from the Yankton tribe, notes that the commonly held mainstream belief that the horse was first introduced to the Plains tribes by the Spanish is being refuted by archaeologists who have found evidence that the horse was in America far earlier that the appearance of the conquistadors.
That is part of why the shootings of the horses was especially painful for the Abdo-Smith family, which is deeply connected to the traditional Dakota ways. Their home is a place of frequent ceremonies; their horses represent an element of the sacred for them.
Another source of pain is that Abdo-Smith and her husband, Charlie Smith, believe the shootings were motivated by racial intolerance. “[Johanneson’s] always complaining about us Indians getting too much,” she says. “He’s been bragging all over town about how he shot my horses and how happy he is that I am so hurt!”
The horses were shot on July 23, a few days after a heated public meeting between the tribe and county residents about the placement of South Dakota Department of Transportation highway signs that read, “Entering the Yankton Sioux Reservation.” Many residents believe the timing of the shootings is significant. They speculate that Johanneson, known for his public anti-Native statements was pushed over the edge by the appearance of the signs, which many white farmers in the area view as an insult.
The couple would like to see Johanneson prosecuted for a hate-crime. Although Thomas Deadrick, state’s attorney for Charles Mix County, reportedly told the family the case is “moving along,” Johanneson has not been charged with any crime. Phone calls to Deadrick’s office for comment on the case have not been returned.
Johanneson denies there was any malice toward his neighbors, or Natives, behind the shootings. He says the horses had repeatedly escaped their enclosure and damaged his corn crop. “I don’t know what she’s crying about--she’s been warned for the past five years to keep those horses off my property,” he said in a telephone interview. He added that the horses were thin and starving because the couple seldom fed them.
“I didn’t shoot the horses. I shot at them. Guess I must have hit some of them,” he says. “My attorney told me that charges against me have been dropped. She’s trying to make this into a racist deal, but that’s not true. I got problems with her horses, not with her.”
But some residents of Charles Mix County see Johanneson as the embodiment of a community rife with animus toward Native Americans. Tribal members and some white residents describe their neighbors’ resentment towards Native people as an attitude passed down from one generation to the next. “Anger towards Native Americans is percolating under the surface,” says Jones.
Johannesen, however, insists that he is not prejudiced and the issue of the signs had no impact on his decision to shoot at the horses. “I heard about those signs; it didn’t make no difference to me. I guess [the tribe] thinks this is reservation land. They’re still living back in the 1800’s around here, but they still want all the modern money, free housing, free everything.”
Jones recalls a conversation with Johannesen after his cattle escaped their enclosure and got into her hay field. After she helped him round the animals up, he asked why she was selling hay to the Abdo-Smith family for their horses. According to Jones, Johannesen clearly disapproved of her helping the family. He described the horses as hay-burners. “Raymond is angry at Native people in general, always complaining about the BIA lease prices going up, how our property values will go down because of those signs, and how the tribe is trying to take away our land,” she says.
Tall Signs of Trouble
Earlier this summer, the Yankton Sioux tribe, like many South Dakota tribes, asked the state’s Department of Transportation to erect highway signs flagging Indian land. The signs read, “Entering the Yankton Sioux Reservation.” According to a non-Native farmer who asked that his name be withheld, “That added fuel to the fire. We already know we’re on Indian land; we don’t need any reminders.”
In this mostly farming and ranching community, much of the anti-Native sentiment is about land. Farmers and ranchers often lease land from the Yankton tribe through the Bureau of Indian Affairs land lease program; many complain that the lease prices are too high and that the tribe’s method of leasing the land through a sealed-bid process breeds more distrust and resentment.
Several people, both Native and non-Native, report that after the decision was made to put up the “Welcome” signs, farmers began meeting in barns or local restaurants, where they expressed anger and frustration. A second farmer who asked to remain anonymous for fear of retribution from his neighbors says there was talk of taking actions against Native people and adds, “I’m afraid all this hate and anger will get out of hand.”
Charles Mix County Commissioners contacted the Department of Transportation (DOT) shortly after the signs were erected, indicating that many county residents objected to them. Representatives from the Department, tribe and county commissioners’ office then convened a public meeting to discuss the issue on July 18. During that meeting, county commissioners and others maintained that the Yankton Sioux reservation no longer exists, and therefore there are no boundaries to mark with signs, according to Wesley Hare, tribal transportation planner who says, “This fight between the tribe and white people here has been going on for a long time.”
Hare is referring to years of court cases in which the state of South Dakota and Charles Mix County argued that the Yankton Sioux reservation was disestablished. According to Justice.gov, the case concerning the size and existence of the reservation has been litigated since 1994.
In 2011, however, the Supreme Court upheld the existence of the reservation. Although the court found that the reservation lands had been diminished, it upheld the location of the tribe’s exterior boundaries as established under the original 1853 treaty between the tribe and the U. S. government. According to J. R. LaPlante, South Dakota Governor’s Secretary for Tribal Relations, those at the July 18 meeting seemed to agree that changing the word “Entering” on the signs to “Welcome to… ” would be a good compromise.
Shortly after that meeting, one of the signs was cut down. The DOT replaced it, using metal posts rather than the original wooden ones.
Although the tribe had requested six signs, so far the DOT has erected only three, halting the process until the tribe and county can reach a final agreement on wording, according to Tammy Williams, who works for the DOT. “We see a lot of highway signs getting shot up during hunting season. This is the first time I have ever seen a sign cut down entirely,” she notes.
Thomasina Real Bird, attorney for the Yankton Sioux Nation, thought it odd that the signs stirred up so much debate. “We still see veiled threats that the county doesn’t see [the recognition of the reservation and its boundaries] as ended. They try to push it in any small way that they can.”
Real Bird of the Yankton Sioux Nation, says the tribe sees the signs as far more than boundary markers; they are an expression of pride and of home. “They are identity and cultural markers for us,” she says. “The signs should be seen as a positive contribution to the county.”
Brown, But Not Down
“There is a lot of prejudice in this county. It is subtle and doesn’t show itself but [Native] people can see and feel it,” says Hare. According to Hare and local advocate Faith Spotted Eagle, racism against Native people is normalized for many of the area’s white residents, who complain that Native people receive too much support from the government. Spotted Eagle points out, however, that many area farmers and ranchers receive substantial subsidies from the government via the USDA. (From 1995-2012, Johanneson collected $691,955 in USDA subsidies, which averages out to just over $40,000 a year.)
According to Spotted Eagle, many white residents don’t see their attitudes or inequality in the community as racism. For them, it’s simply the way things are. She says Natives and non-Natives, “live in parallel universes here.”
She believes, however, that the new generation is changing. “They don’t like what’s happening, many of them are becoming more worldly. I have hope for the new generation.”
Hare thinks it makes little difference where the signs are placed or the wording written on them. “You got people thinking that because our land is broken up that we’re not here anymore. We still have our language, our culture, our ceremonies, our traditional way of praying. [We are] still here, even though they tried to wipe us off the face of the earth.” He adds with a laugh, “We’re still here, and we’re still brown.”

Read more athttp://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2013/09/16/how-could-anyone-have-so-much-hate-new-kind-range-war-so-dakota-151301